Malabar History journal

Interestingly, when comparing the Mappilas to Muslims in other parts of India, they were late in embracing communitarian political ideology. During the Khilafath Movement, the nationalist political leadership in Malabar, supported by influential Ulemas, skillfully channeled this religious identity toward a nationalist political ideology. E.M.S. Namboodiripad, a prominent figure, emphasized the unity of Muslims behind the Congress and Khilafath, particularly due to the shared slogan of not touching the Ottoman? Khalifa (Namboodiripad, 1946). However, the Mappilas’ experiences during the later phases of the Khilafath Movement led them to shift toward communitarian politics. As K.N. Panikkar aptly noted, while the Rebellion itself was not intrinsically communal, its consequences were decidedly so (Panikkar, 1992). This article delves into the multifaceted factors that contributed to the political transformation of the Mappilas.

Colonial Context and Communitarian Politics

One key factor was the colonial context, which significantly shaped their identity and political consciousness.The nuanced political transformation of the Mappilas in Malabar during the early 20th century was influenced by multiple factors, including their delayed adoption of communitarian political ideology compared to Muslims in other regions. A pivotal factor was the loss of faith in the Congress among the Mappilas, fueled by a sense of betrayal during crises and the Congress’s failure to support them during police suppression in South Malabar (Namboodiripad, 1946). The association of Congress leaders with Hindu communal organizations intensified the Mappilas’ perception of the Congress as a pro-Hindu entity, while communal connotations attached to the Congress’s response to Rebellion incidents and the partisan nature of relief work deepened communal fault lines (Gopalankutty, 1986; Abdul Razak, 2007). The Congress’s exclusionary programs, notably the Temple Entry Satyagraha, added to the Mappilas’ disillusionment with the Congress’s nationalist politics. Tactless dealings with nationalist Muslims, as evidenced by incidents like the controversy over the post of Chairman of Calicut Municipality in 1931, showcased the disconnect between the Congress and the Mappilas. The branding of nationalist Muslims like Mohamed Abdurahiman Sahib and Moidu Moulavi as traitors for associating with Congress politics further heightened tensions (K. Gopalankutty; Pottekkatt et al., 1985). Such incidents, along with the Congress’s failure to address communal sensitivities, contributed to the Mappilas’ growing sense of alienation.

The impact of the Mappilas’ political transformation was also evident during significant political movements. The aloofness of a large section of the mappilas from Nationalist politics during the Civil Disobedience Movement highlighted the irreparable nature of the rupture with the Congress in Malabar (F.N.R., 1937). Furthermore, the 1930s witnessed a broader trend where the Mappilas began to align with the growing feelings among Indian Muslims that the Congress leadership was insufficiently sympathetic to Muslim needs. This communal drift, influenced by colonial government policies like separate electorates, underscored the complex interplay of regional and national factors in shaping political identities (Miller, 1976; Mathrubumi, 1925).

The post-Khilafath Movement scenario further illuminated the divergent paths adopted by the Mappilas and the Congress in Malabar. The Congress’s inability to initiate political activities in southern Malabar showcased the enduring impact of the Mappilas’ disengagement from Nationalist politics (F.N.R., 1937). The Mappilas’ resistance to the Civil Disobedience Movement and the resignation of K. Madhavan Nair from the Congress exemplified the deep-seated apprehensions within the community, hinting at a prolonged estrangement (Moulavi, 1981). The 1930s marked a critical juncture when the Mappilas, echoing the sentiments of Indian Muslims, questioned the Congress’s commitment to their needs. The perception that a free and democratic India, as envisaged by the Congress, might not adequately address Muslim concerns gained traction. Separate electorates, recognized by the colonial government, became a focal point, mirroring developments in North India (Mathrubumi, 1925). Resolutions demanding separate electorates for Muslims in local boards and the Madras Legislative Assembly underscored the community’s growing inclination towards communitarian politics (Mathrubumi, 1931; Mathrubumi, 1932).

The communal undertones of political discourse intensified as religious identities began to supersede national consciousness. Appeals to vote based on religion in elections, such as Purakkatt Moosa’s candidature in 1923, exemplified the shift in political rhetoric (Mathrubumi, 1923). The demand for separate electorates, even within pro-Congress Muslim conferences, indicated a widening gap between the Congress’s vision of a united India and the evolving political aspirations of the Mappilas (Mathrubumi, 1933). The Mappilas’ resentment towards the Congress found expression not only in political disengagement but also in public protests. Instances where Muslim audiences objected to remarks made by Hindu Congress leaders at public meetings highlighted the deepening communal fault lines (F.N.R., 1937). The political landscape in Malabar became increasingly polarized, with the Congress struggling to regain the trust of the Mappilas.

In this milieu, the Mappilas’ growing sense of community identity was a pivotal factor. The notion that the Congress leadership, whether Hindu or nationalist Muslims, was inadequately attuned to their concerns further solidified this identity (Abdul Razak, 2007; Umar Moulavi, 2000). The Mappilas, by aligning with the broader sentiment among Indian Muslims, demonstrated a complex interplay of regional and national factors shaping their political consciousness.

Economic Dimensions and Disillusionment

The economic dimension played a pivotal role in the early 20th-century political transformation of the Mappilas in Malabar (Moozhikunnath Brahmadathan Namboodiripad, 1965). Perceived economic marginalization fueled a sense of betrayal by the Congress, particularly during times of distress (Ansari, 2005). The Mappilas accused the Congress of prioritizing Hindus in relief efforts, deepening the perception of religious favoritism and contributing to economic alienation. These grievances, coupled with exclusionary policies like the Temple Entry Satyagraha, steered the Mappilas away from Nationalist politics. The economic disenchantment persisted post-Rebellion, with the Congress’s failure to address broader economic challenges faced by the Mappilas, further accentuating the social and economic divide. Tactless dealings with nationalist Muslims and exclusion from certain Congress-led initiatives underscored the perceived insensitivity to Mappilas’ economic concerns (K. Gopalankutty,1986).

Aftermath of the Mappila Rebellion and Political Transformation

The Mappila Rebellion’s aftermath posed significant challenges for the Congress in regaining influence in southern Malabar (Moulavi, 1981). The Mappila community’s disengagement from Nationalist politics, evident during the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), revealed deep-seated apprehensions about triggering another rebellion (F.N.R., 1937). Efforts by Al-Ameen and ‘Nationalist Muslim’ leaders to revive Congress support faced obstacles, with Mappila reluctance becoming apparent in public meetings marked by heightened communal tensions (ibid). The ongoing challenge for the Congress to secure Mappila support highlighted a lasting estrangement, contributing to the Congress’s struggle to regain political ground in Malabar. In the post-rebellion period, the Congress found it difficult to initiate political activities, emphasizing the enduring impact of Mappila disengagement (Abdul Razak, 2007)). The resistance to the Civil Disobedience Movement and the resignation of K. Madhavan Nair from the Congress exemplified deep-seated apprehensions within the Mappila community, marking a critical juncture when they questioned the Congress’s commitment to their needs.

The multifaceted factors influencing the political transformation of the Mappilas were deeply intertwined with evolving socio-political dynamics (ibid). The intersection of religious identity, economic grievances, and political ideology created a complex tapestry that defined the Mappilas’ distinct political consciousness. The Congress’s struggle to regain influence in Malabar, exacerbated by the Mappilas’ growing disengagement and shift towards communitarian politics, marked a turning point in the region’s political landscape. As the Mappilas increasingly embraced a sectarian political consciousness, communal fault lines deepened, setting the stage for a unique political trajectory shaping the course of Malabar’s history.

Emergence of Kerala Muslim Majlis and Political Alignment

The formation of the Kerala Muslim Majlis in 1931 was a crucial development in the political landscape of Malabar. It evolved from the Aikya Sangam, which played a pivotal role in fostering unity among the Mappilas through annual conferences and reformist ideologies. The dissensions within Aikya Sangam, particularly regarding Muslim participation in political activities, led to its dissolution and subsequent merger with the Kerala Muslim Majlis. The political polarization within the leadership, with figures like K.M. Seethi Sahib advocating for a separate political organization, highlighted the diverse perspectives within the community (Azeez, 1997; Moulavi, 1960).

The Kerala Muslim Majlis aimed to address various dimensions of the Muslim community’s welfare, including political, economic, and educational progress. However, the composition of its leadership, primarily consisting of upper-class Muslims, raised concerns about representation. Despite the organization’s commitment to inclusivity, internal divisions persisted, and differences in political affiliations became pronounced. Notably, the Majlis displayed an early inclination towards the Muslim League, as seen in its resolution to accept the leadership of the All India Muslim League during the annual conference in 1936 (Parappil Koya, 1994; Abdul Razak, 2007; Azeez, 1997).

As Malabar witnessed the broader shift of elite Muslim sentiment towards the Muslim League, the Kerala Muslim Majlis played a role in this realignment. The 1934 election, where the Congress candidate Mohamed Abdurahiman was defeated by Abdul Sathar Sait, a sympathizer of the Muslim League, signaled the growing influence of the League among upper-class Muslims. This outcome, despite limited voter eligibility based on a minimum tax payment, illustrated the early support for the League, even before its official establishment in Malabar. The subsequent merger of the Majlis with the Muslim League in 1937 solidified this political alignment, contributing to the League’s growing influence in the region (Pottekkatt et al., 1985; Abdul Razak, 2007).

Muslim League’s Rise and Enduring Influence

The Muslim League’s rise in Malabar during the late 1930s, led by influential figures like K.M. Seethi Sahib, marked a significant transformation in the region’s political landscape (KM Abdul Kareem, 1985). Key milestones included the formation of the first Muslim League units in Tellicherry and Tirurangadi, orchestrated by leaders like Abdul Sathar Sait and K.M. Moulavi (ibid). Despite initial setbacks in the 1937 election, where League candidates were defeated, the leaders, including Moulana Shoukathali and K.M. Moulavi, mobilized Muslims behind the League by emphasizing unity and shared faith (Mathrubumi, 1937).

The League’s success lay not only in material concerns but also in ideological propaganda. Leaders like Arakkal Ali Raja and K.M. Moulavi highlighted the religious duty of Muslims to unite under the League’s banner (Mathrubumi, 1937). The first District Muslim League Council meeting in December 1937 outlined resolutions addressing key issues such as education, separate electorates, and the recognition of Islamic practices (Report of the Muslim League Council meeting, 1937).

Beyond politics, the League focused on social and economic upliftment. A comprehensive crash program adopted by the District Muslim League Council included initiatives for education, small-scale industries, religious observances, and community unity (Report of the Muslim League Council meeting, 1937). By 1938, the League’s membership in Malabar had surged to 32,000 (Hamid Khan, 1938). In the 1940s, leaders like Fazalul Haq advocated the Two Nation Theory and the establishment of Mappilasthan, showcasing the League’s proactive stance (FNR, 1940). Despite opposition, the League remained a formidable political force in Malabar, shaping the post-independence political identity of Mappilas (Abdul Razak, 2007). The League’s enduring influence was evident in its continued electoral success, reinforcing its role in Malabar’s political landscape.

In summary, the political transformation of the Mappila community in Malabar during the early 20th century was driven by a convergence of factors, notably the colonial context, religious identity, and economic grievances (Namboodiripad, 1946; Abdul Razak, 2007). The Khilafath Movement initially aligned the Mappilas with nationalist political ideology, but their experiences during the Rebellion led to a shift towards communitarian politics, deepening communal fault lines (Panikkar, 1992). The aftermath of the Rebellion saw the Congress struggling to regain influence, setting the stage for the emergence of the Kerala Muslim Majlis and its alignment with the Muslim League, which significantly shaped the region’s political landscape (Abdul Razak, 2007; Pottekkatt et al., 1985). The enduring influence of the League highlighted the intricate interplay of religious, economic, and political dynamics, leaving a lasting impact on the distinct political identity of the Mappilas in Malabar (KM Abdul Kareem, 1985; Hamid Khan, 1938).

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